The end comes eventually for us all with only the time and method to be determined. Dream Weaver is an album constructed around death, loss, healing and moving on. George Duke lost his wife, Corine, in 2011 as well as guitarist, and vocalist Teena Marie who passed away in 2010 as she was collaborating with Duke on a jazz album.Despite the sense of loss and sorrow hanging over the recording, Dream Weaver is hardly a solemn affair. Duke's trademark good humor, playfulness and finely tuned ability not to take himself too seriously, as benefits someone who played with rocker, shines through.Working with multiple players and guests, Duke's final album is at times messy and sprawling, but Duke never allows all four wheels to leave the road. George Duke the producer was as accomplished as George Duke the musician and he was acutely aware of what his strengths and weaknesses were in both roles.It was the old school funk of 'Reach For It' and 'Dukey Stick' that put Duke on the map as a solo artist and the thumpin' 'Ashtray' is a worthy callback to those days. You'll look in vain for the name of the bassist thumbin' out those fat licks. It's Duke with his battery of synthesizers ripping off bass riffs that would make Bootsy Collins or his old pal, smile with admiration.Clarke appears here on 'Stones of Orion' showing off his underrated skills on the upright bass.
'Missing You' features sensitive vocals from Duke. While he sought to make the object of the ballad a generic woman, it is apparent whom the warm passion in Duke's singing is directed to.
George Duke made some brilliant music of different styles. Ok some of it was hit and miss but thats true of any artist, i don't like every Earth Wind & Fire or Stevie Wonder song. I love George's singing voice as well as his amazing keys playing - the solo at the end of Brazilian Love Affair is superb. I find his music has a very peaceful vibe. I own almost all his albums, right up until he passed, and they all contain some fantastic moments. I saw him live a few times and one of them was the best gig i've ever attended. George was a true entertainer and one of the greats of jazz funk.
Respect and R.I.P. George Duke undoubtedly made some good music, but by his own admission, a lot of it sucked.
Check out his own reviews on his web site. He stops short of acknowledging selling out, but he comes close.Too much of his stuff can only really be described as 'party music,' as in, let's pretend it's the 70s and we're having a party. Too much of it is sadly very good instrumental jazzy pop, but annoying-as-hell group vocals. Much of it has aged poorly. A good compilation for his Epic days is in order. The 2xCD 'Essential' is OK, but includes too many of the tracks with vocals.By contrast, the 4xCD of his MPS music is pretty good; quite mellow, but good.
Similar to the stuff Lonnie Liston Smith was making.
I think back to what wrote about the that perhaps this is a world in which, but we can lessen the number of suffering children, and if you do not do this, then who will do this? I'd like to feel that I'd done something to lessen that suffering. The were not wanted there when his grandfather came to Boston.
Now an Irish Catholic is president of the United States There is no question about it. In the next 40 years a Negro can achieve the same position that my brother has. We have tried to make and we are making progress we are not going to accept the status quo. The has taken steps to make sure that the applies to. AP report with lead summarizing of remarks stating 'Robert F. Kennedy said yesterday that the United States — despite Alabama violence — is moving so fast in race relations a Negro could be President in 40 years.'
. I thought they'd get one of us, but Jack, after all he'd been through, never worried about it.
I thought it would be me. After hearing that his brother had been in, TX, on 22 November 1963, by in & 's (1984), p. 249. To say that the future will be different from the present is, to scientists, hopelessly self-evident. I observe regretfully that in politics, however, it can be heresy. It can be denounced as radicalism, or branded as subversion.
There are people in every time and every land who want to stop history in its tracks. They fear the future, mistrust the present, and invoke the security of a comfortable past which, in fact, never existed. 'Give me a place to stand,' said, 'and I will move the.' These men moved the world, and so can we all. This is a Day of Affirmation, a celebration of. We stand here in the name of freedom.At the heart of that Western freedom and democracy is the belief that the individual man, the child of God, is the touchstone of value, and all society, groups, the state, exist for his benefit.
What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love, and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black. (4 April 1968), delivered in Indianapolis, Indiana.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening, because I have some very sad news for all of you, and, I think, sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world; and that is that was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee. Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort.
In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in. For those of you who are black - considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible - you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization - black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another.
Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand, and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion, and love. But we have to make an effort in the United States. We have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond, or go beyond these rather difficult times. My favorite poet was. He wrote: 'In our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God.' .
What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love, and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black. And let's dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world. Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people.(1968). We must admit the of our distinctions among men and to find our own advancement in the search for the advancement of others.
We must admit in ourselves that our own children's cannot be built on the misfortunes of others. This was given the day after the. Delivered at the City Club of Cleveland, Cleveland, Ohio, April 5, 1968. The victims of the violence are black and white, rich and poor, young and old, famous and unknown. They are, most important of all, human beings whom other human beings loved and needed.
No one — no matter where he lives or what he does — can be certain who will suffer from some senseless act of bloodshed. And yet it goes on and on and on in this country of ours. What has violence ever accomplished? What has it ever created?
No martyr's cause has ever been stilled by an assassin's bullet. No wrongs have ever been righted by riots and civil disorders.
A sniper is only a coward, not a hero; and an uncontrolled, uncontrollable mob is only the voice of madness, not the voice of reason. Whenever any American's life is taken by another American unnecessarily — whether it is done in the name of the law or in the defiance of the law, by one man or a gang, in cold blood or in passion, in an attack of violence or in response to violence — whenever we tear at the fabric of the life which another man has painfully and clumsily woven for himself and his children, the whole nation is degraded. Yet we seemingly tolerate a rising level of violence that ignores our common humanity and our claims to civilization alike. We calmly accept newspaper reports of civilian slaughter in far-off lands. We glorify killing on movie and television screens and call it entertainment. We make it easy for men of all shades of sanity to acquire whatever weapons and ammunition they desire. Too often we honor swagger and bluster and wielders of force; too often we excuse those who are willing to build their own lives on the shattered dreams of others.
Some Americans who preach non-violence abroad fail to practice it here at home. Some who accuse others of inciting riots have by their own conduct invited them.
Some look for scapegoats, others look for conspiracies, but this much is clear: violence breeds violence, repression brings retaliation, and only a cleansing of our whole society can remove this sickness from our soul. For there is another kind of violence, slower but just as deadly destructive as the shot or the bomb in the night.
This is the violence of institutions; indifference and inaction and slow decay. This is the violence that afflicts the poor, that poisons relations between men because their skin has different colors. This is the slow destruction of a child by hunger, and schools without books and homes without heat in the winter.
This is the breaking of a man's spirit by denying him the chance to stand as a father and as a man among other men. And this too afflicts us all.
When you teach a man to hate and fear his brother, when you teach that he is a lesser man because of his color or his beliefs or the policies he pursues, when you teach that those who differ from you threaten your freedom or your job or your family, then you also learn to confront others not as fellow citizens but as enemies, to be met not with cooperation but with conquest; to be subjugated and mastered. We learn, at the last, to look at our brothers as aliens, men with whom we share a city, but not a community; men bound to us in common dwelling, but not in common effort. We learn to share only a common fear, only a common desire to retreat from each other, only a common impulse to meet disagreement with force. Yet we know what we must do. It is to achieve true justice among our fellow citizens. The question is not what programs we should seek to enact.
The question is whether we can find in our own midst and in our own hearts that leadership of humane purpose that will recognize the terrible truths of our existence. We must admit the vanity of our false distinctions among men and learn to find our own advancement in the search for the advancement of others. We must admit in ourselves that our own children's future cannot be built on the misfortunes of others. We must recognize that this short life can neither be ennobled or enriched by hatred or revenge. Our lives on this planet are too short and the work to be done too great to let this spirit flourish any longer in our land. Of course we cannot vanquish it with a program, nor with a resolution.
But we can perhaps remember, if only for a time, that those who live with us are our brothers, that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek, as do we, nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and in happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can. Surely, this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men, and surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again. Misattributed.
There are those that look at things the way they are, and ask why? I dream of things that never were, and ask why not?. Though Kennedy stated that he was quoting when he said this, he is often thought to have originated the expression, which actually paraphrases a line delivered by the Serpent in Shaw's play Back To Methuselah: “You see things; and you say, ‘Why?’ But I dream things that never were; and I say, ‘Why not?’'. This phrase was first used by his brother John F. Kennedy in 1963 (June 28th), during his visit to Ireland, in his address to the Irish Dail (Government): 'George Bernard Shaw, speaking as an Irishman, summed up an approach to life, 'Other people, he said, see things and say why? But I dream things that never were and I say, why not?' Robert's other brother famously quoted it (paraphrasing it even further), to conclude his eulogy to his late brother after his assassination (8 June 1968): Some men see things as they are and say why?
Starring original series leads Chris Redfield and Jill Valentine, the game displays hallways reminiscent of the mansions of the original Resident Evil and Resident Evil 5. While most of the game takes place aboard the luxurious cruiser Queen Zenobia, players also briefly visit other settings. A brief demo of the game was put on Resident Evil: The Mercenaries 3D, but Nintendo later released a downloadable free demo on the Nintendo eShop, a piece of software on the 3DS. Resident evil revelations repack.
I dream things that never were and say why not? -Quotes about Kennedy.
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The young man never says please. He never says thank you, he never asks for things, he demands them.
The young man never says please. He never says thank you, he never asks for things, he demands them. referring to RFK. Cited in 1960: LBJ Vs.
Nixon: the Epic Campaign that Forged Three Presidencies (2008), p. 63. McCarthy was a Republican. The Democrats, however, have skeletons in their own closet and it's worth remembering them, too. For example, Democrat Woodrow Wilson's Attorney General, A. Mitchell Palmer, who was just as rabid an anti-Communist as McCarthy, did far more to repress free speech and political freedom than McCarthy ever attempted. Tank leader 2 keygen crack.
George Duke The Dream Rarest Cars
It wasn't a Republican president who locked up thousands of loyal Americans of Japanese descent in concentration camps for years. It was Democrat Franklin D. And it wasn't a Republican who wiretapped and snooped on Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., but Democrats John F. Kennedy and his brother Robert, who signed the order as Attorney General., as quoted in (2008), by B. Xi.
He sat down there on the side of the bed in an old broken-down building. Tears were running down his cheeks. I knew he cared. I can just see him sitting there and crying. The man had no vanity. Charles Evers on RFK, as quoted in the article ' (6 June 1988).
I wish people would stop turning him into. Adam Walinsky on RFK in the article ' (6 June 1988).
The thing is, John and Bobby Kennedy are eternally young. The Democrats are trying to show us how young, and with it they are by reminding us of how things were 30 years ago. He never had a case in his life. He never argued in a courtroom. If you make him assistant secretary of defense, he'll have a lot of power. It's an appropriate job for a guy who has never done a damn thing. Senator, former U.S.
Attorney and Kennedy intimate to JFK when told that RFK would be appointed attorney general. Recounted in an interview with and cited in The Dark Side of Camelot (1997). We had the impression that Bobby was simply Jack's ruffian. Jack could sit above it. Bobby was the one who wanted action. There was an intense dislike in CIA for Bobby.
Former CIA official Walter Elder in an interview with Seymour Hersh, cited in The Dark Side of Camelot (1997). Bobby, in my view, was an unprincipled sinister little bastard. Former CIA official Thomas A. Parrot in a 1995 interview with Seymour Hersh, cited in The Dark Side of Camelot (1997).
A child playing in a Dresden china shop. referring to RFK.
Cited in Bobby and J. Edgar (2008) by.
I was the East Coast distributor of involved. I ate it, drank it, and breathed it. Then they killed, then they killed Bobby, elected twice, and people like you must think I'm miserable because I'm not involved anymore. Well, I've got news for you. I spent all my years ago.
I have no more for anything. I gave at the office. 'Terence Mann' in (1989), in the screenplay by, based upon the book (1982) by.
He would dare us to leave yesterday and embrace tomorrow. on Kennedy on the 25th anniversary of his death, as quoted in ' (6 June 1993). We still strive to answer his insistent challenge to do good and to do better. In a time of division, more than any American, he bridged those gaps, reaching out to starving families in the Mississippi Delta and to factory workers in Chicago, to migrant workers in Northern California and struggling teens in Harlem. He touched their lives. And just as important, they touched his. Bill Clinton on Kennedy on the 30th anniversary of his death, as quoted in ' (6 June 1998).
Every four years, we've been bitterly frustrated by the failure of our candidates for the White House to live up to RFK's standards. Now that I am much older, I realize what I should have known in 1968 - that Robert Kennedy was irreplaceable. Philip W. Johnston on Kennedy in the article ' (20 November 2005).
As a U.S. Senator from New York and a presidential candidate, Robert F.
Kennedy had the rhetorical ability to distill complex social ills into coherent moral stands. Whether he was talking about apartheid in South Africa during his trip there in June 1966, breaking a fast with Cesar Chavez in Delano, California, expressing the nation’s grief after Martin Luther King, Jr.
Was killed, or calling for an end to the Vietnam War, Robert Kennedy’s words could cut through social boundaries and partisan divides in a way that seems nearly impossible today. Joseph A. Palmero in article ' (20 November 2015).
His death left a vacuum that has not been filled. He had a capacity to reach out to disparate groups in our society: black and white, young and old, middle‐class and poor, blue‐collar workers and intellectuals. There is no political figure now, and none on the horizon, with whom so many Americans can identify. Robert Kennedy rejected comfort. He chose to be an uncomfortable man.
It would have embarrassed him to hear such things said about himself. But he believed that individuals can make a difference if they care, and people knew he did. I think much would be different if he had lived. Anthony Lewis on RFK, as quoted in ' (4 June 1978). My father never retreated from shining a light on racial injustice.
He forced hard conversations to play out in public, and pursued policies like the Voting Rights Act to specifically address the systemic racism plaguing our society. He realized that racism itself divided our country. Kerry Kennedy in article ' (10 March 2016). His message, his voice, his attitude, his every appearance and intent were clear. He sought to make America great again. Mike Barnicle referring to RFK in article ' (13 March 2016). Robert Kennedy accomplished an extraordinary feat in his last campaign by uniting blacks and working whites in a way that no American politician has since been able to replicate.
Kick Kennedy in article ' (4 April 2016). I come to this with tremendous humility. I was only seven when Bobby Kennedy died. Many of the people in this room knew him as brother, as husband, as father, as friend.
I knew him only as an icon. People who believe that while evil and suffering will always exist, this is a country that has been fueled by small miracles and boundless dreams – a place where we’re not afraid to face down the greatest challenges in pursuit of the greater good; a place where, against all odds, we overcome. Bobby Kennedy was one of these people. And Kennedy’s was not a pie-in-the-sky-type idealism either. He believed we would always face real enemies, and that there was no quick or perfect fix to the turmoil of the 1960s.
Rather, the idealism of Robert Kennedy – the unfinished legacy that calls us still – is a fundamental belief in the continued perfection of American ideals. at the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award ceremony commemorating the eightieth anniversary of RFK's birth (20 November 2005)External links.
Solo Discography and Liner Notes This really took some time but I've written personal liner notes for each of my LPs. It was a real stroll down memory lane and took longer than I thought. I felt like I was writing a book.
The liner notes cover my solo as well as my collaborative efforts with the many great musicians I've been fortunate enough to work with. Check them out. — GDThis is separate from my solo CD Discography and contains each of the albums or singles I've produced all the way back to 1969.Some selected works for film for which I composed the music.